The growth of international trade during the eighteenth century created a lucrative opportunity for enterprising Manxmen.  Duties in the Isle of Man were comparatively low and the Isle of Man was situated conveniently close to English, Irish and Scottish ports. Bringing goods into the Island was therefore legal and all the required Manx duties, which could be set independently from Britain, went into the coffers of the Lord of Man. Cargos arriving from overseas - particularly brandy, wine, rum, tobacco and tea - were legally brought into the Isle of Man and Manx customs duties were paid.  Where those goods went after they landed in the Isle of Man was the decision of the merchants.  As far as Britain was concerned, this constituted smuggling, and there had been great efforts made throughout the eighteenth century to control these activities, both on land and at sea.

The expense of the Seven Years War forced the British Government to take further action to regain lost revenue from its colonies, including the Isle of Man, which at that time cost approximately £350,000 per annum to administer. It was estimated by the British Government that the lost revenue from the War was over £700,000 and they needed to minimise loss of revenue and maximise sources of income.

An Act “for more effectually preventing the mischiefs arising to the revenue and commerce of Great Britain and Ireland from the illicit and clandestine trade to and from the Isle of Man” was prepared. To enforce the Mischief Act, and collect the required duties, the Island needed to be ruled by the English Crown, so the rights, interest and privileges of the Island were purchased from the Duke of Atholl for the sum of £70,000.

The Revestment Act or Isle of Man Purchase Act came into force upon the granting of Royal Assent on 10th May 1765; the Island was officially transferred from the control of the Atholl family to Britain.  This purchase meant that the British government could bring the Island under the control of its customs system and therefore eradicate or at least minimise the smuggling trade.

The Mischief Act, legalised by the Revestment Act, became effective five days later. After a grace period of six weeks for the merchants to organise their affairs, the English Crown took over the Island on the 21st June, with the Royal Proclamation setting out that all powers were now to be exercised by the authority of the Crown. The Act was read out at Castle Rushen on 11th July and all revenue from the Island became revenue for Britain.

Over the next century, the House of Keys would repeatedly attempt to regain control of this revenue.    

Written by Dr Kit Gawn​e

Introduction

Whilst Britain had already extended the vote to all men owning property worth £10 or more in 1832, the House of Keys continued to be a self-elected body which sat in government behind closed doors. When a vacancy occurred, which only happened upon death, resignation or promotion to a position in the Legislative Council, the Keys nominated two persons to the Lieutenant Governor for his decision as to which one should then be appointed.

Robert Fargher, editor of the reforming Mona’s Herald

Whilst protest petitions were raised in the late 1700s and John Murray, the fourth Duke of Atholl and Lord of Man, derisively referred to the Keys as being ‘no more representative of the people of Man than of the people of Peru’ in 1822, the call for political reform started in earnest in 1833 when Robert Fargher launched the liberal and dissenting newspaper, the Mona’s Herald, which became involved in a persistent and vigorous campaign to bring about a democratically elected House of Keys. Through the Mona’s Herald the political reformers now had a vehicle to express their concerns. From that moment may be dated the beginnings of Manx political reform. Fargher persistently and vigorously campaigned for the meetings of the House of Keys in their building in Castletown to be open to the press and public, and that its members should be chosen by the vote of the people. His inflammatory ‘letters to the editor’ resulted in an acrimonious libel action in 1844 which resulted in Fargher being gaoled in Castle Rushen. Supporters paid the fine, and the Mona’s Herald reported that on a triumphal procession back to Douglas ‘Flags were displayed on public houses, shawls and handkerchiefs were hung out at the farm houses, and, in the absence of these, at thatched cottages patriotic old matrons hung out their wearing garments’.

Reform petitions

In 1845 a delegation of representatives of the people presented a petition demanding political reform to an unenthusiastic Lieutenant Governor John Ready for forwarding to the Home Secretary. Unsurprisingly, the members of the Keys (known as the ‘Castletown clique’, the disparaging contemporary term used to describe them) did not support the call for their own reform. The Home Office urged Ready’s successor, Lieutenant Governor Charles Hope, not to lose sight of the point that if the House of Keys was ever to become a democratically elected body then it would scarcely be inclined to continue to  comply with the current arrangement by which the Manx surplus customs revenue was merged into the general funds of Britain, with little of it returning to benefit the Isle of Man. When further petitions were sent to Sir George Grey, the Home Secretary, he threatened that the situation could be addressed by the Isle of Man being incorporated into Britain.

‘If the House of Keys had been a representative body, elected by the people’

In 1853 a combined deputation of the Keys and the people was in talks with James Wilson, the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, on Tynwald having some control of the surplus customs revenue. Wilson issued a document which stated that ‘if the House of Keys had been a representative body, elected by the people of the Island, the Lords of the Treasury would have been disposed to have taken a much more favourable view of your proposal to entrust to it the administration of these funds’. Although the House of Keys was unprepared for this unexpected offer, the attitude of some members was changing. They were slowly coming round to the idea that financial and constitutional reforms were inextricably linked. However, there was delay which was undoubtedly the result of Lieutenant Governor Hope’s cautious resistance to change, the reluctance of the majority of the Keys to become less self-interested and Britain’s continuing imperial subjugation of the Isle of Man.

Lieutenant Governor Henry Loch

Henry Brougham Loch, aged only thirty-five and just recently married, was appointed Lieutenant Governor of the Isle of Man in February 1863. Loch had previously been in the army and had been involved in a diplomatic and military mission in China when he and the British Commissioner rode behind the Chinese lines under a flag of truce, but they were taken prisoner and tortured. They were able to escape their captors just before the arrival of a death warrant signed by the Emperor ordering their beheading. Just a month after his appointment in the Isle of Man, Loch received a request from John James Moore (a veteran Manx reformer who was acting as an agent for the inhabitants of the Isle of Man) to forward to Queen Victoria a petition complaining about the constitution of the House of Keys and claiming that Tynwald was enacting laws without the consent but at the expense of the people. People in the Island had been seeking greater financial autonomy and constitutional amendment for some time, and the need for improvements convinced Loch that he must speedily, determinedly and single-mindedly bring about resolutions. He realised that there should no longer be taxation without democratic representation.

James Brown, editor of the reforming Isle of Man Times

Calls for reforms were again being raised from a familiar quarter, that of yet another forceful owner and editor of a Manx newspaper: James Brown of the liberal Isle of Man Times. Early in 1864 the recently created Douglas Town Commissioners wanted to extend and consolidate their powers. Amongst the many pejorative remarks made about this in the House of Keys was one from a member to the effect that the most they could be given was control over the donkeys on the shore. In reporting the proceedings of the House of Keys, the Isle of Man Times declared that ‘this elicited marks of approval of the don-keys around him’. This and similar criticisms resulted in Brown being summoned to attend the House of Keys where he was told that the members had already resolved that he was guilty of contempt and breach of privilege and sentenced him to be imprisoned in Castle Rushen for six months. He successfully appealed against his sentence to Lord Chief Justice Cockburn and three other judges sitting in London and then filed an action against all the members of the Keys who had signed the warrant which had led to his imprisonment. The resultant trial awarded Brown damages and costs.

Loch’s negotiations

The gravity of the urgent need to have sufficient public money to complete the building of a new breakwater, the continued calls for a directly elected House of Keys and the involvement of the Keys in the acrimonious incident with James Brown helped to convince Henry Loch that the situation required urgent action. In March 1866 he was able to go to Tynwald to disclose the results of his year-long confidential negotiations with the British authorities. If Tynwald agreed to an increase in the amount of customs duties payable on certain imported articles, then the additional revenue that was created would be used towards the improvement of the harbours and other public works. A condition, one resulting from Loch’s own initiative, of the acceptance of the above fiscal changes was to be that the representatives in the House of Keys should in future be elected by the people. After a long deliberation, the members eventually agreed to endorse both proposals, and they passed a Bill which allowed for the Island’s first general election to take place in April 1867.

The ‘House of Keys Election Act, 1866’

Loch sent the ‘House of Keys Election Act, 1866’ to the Home Office for Royal Assent, and it was promulgated by Tynwald Court in December. The Act allowed for the towns of Peel, Ramsey and Castletown to have one member each, the town of Douglas and the sheadings of Ayre, Michael, Garff, Glenfaba, Middle and Rushen to have three each. Those entitled to be Members of the House of Keys were males aged at least twenty-one who were owners of real estate of the value of £100 and over or who were owners of real estate of the annual value of £50 and had a yearly personal income of £100 and over. The qualifications for voters were that they must be males aged at least twenty-one who were owners of real estate with an annual value of not less than £8. Tenants had to occupy land or tenements with an annual rent of not less than £12. Women (widows and spinsters who owned property of a set value) would have to wait until 1881 to gain suffrage when the Isle of Man became the first country to give women the right to vote. On 19 March 1867 Lieutenant Governor Henry Loch signed a proclamation at Government House at Bemahague for the dissolution of the self-elected House of Keys’. 

On the hustings

Early in 1867 the election campaign began to gather momentum, and meetings were arranged for prospective candidates to declare their policies. One meeting which took place at the assembly room in Douglas saw scarcely a dozen members of the public in attendance at its outset, although before it closed there were close on sixty. But another meeting at the Victoria Hotel saw 800 to 1,000 people come to hear the views of the candidates. Thomas Fargher addressed a meeting at Maughold with a long, noisy and declamatory harangue which resulted in such a general clamour that the chairman had to adjourn the meeting. An uncertain John Edward Christian issued two manifestos, one for the constituency of Ramsey and another for the constituency of Garff. John Caesar Tobin Harrison, a candidate for the rural constituency of Middle, had his nomination objected to as he was a lawyer who was employed by Douglas Town Commissioners, and he was accused of being ‘the person who treats the electors in the public-house to rum, or gin, or whiskey, or anything they will drink, if they will only vote for him’. 

Nomination day

The nomination and election days were due to take place all over the Island during the period ​from 2 to 5 April. In Douglas there were four nominees for just three seats. William Fine Moore and John Senhouse Goldie-Taubman, the sitting members, together with George William Dumbell were the establishment’s choice and offered themselves en-bloc. But the lawyer Richard Sherwood came forward as a surprise liberal opponent. On nomination day, 2 April, people gathered early outside the court house in Athol Street. The first candidate to arrive was Sherwood whose supporters sported blue rosettes. Next to arrive was Major Goldie-Taubman, followed by Dumbell and Moore who both came by carriage. Moore’s supporters included ladies dressed in red outfits and gentlemen on horses decorated with red ribbons, and Moore himself wore a scarlet camellia in his buttonhole. Similar scenes were held all over the Island, even in uncontested constituencies. In Ramsey the principal shops were closed on nomination day, and a great number of people assembled outside the court house which was decorated with flags, bunting and an arch of evergreens surmounted by a flag bearing the legend ‘Representation and Progress’. The crowd then marched to the beat of a band to Milntown, the residence of the unopposed candidate, the Reverend William Bell Christian, where he was asked to step into a carriage drawn by four light-coloured horses, and the whole procession returned to Ramsey for speeches, celebrations and parades.

The first public election

Polling day in Douglas was on Wednesday 3 April, and glorious sunshine ensured that the flags and banners hanging outside the houses and shops were displayed to their best. Voting took place from eight o’clock in the morning. Carriages decked out in blue or red ribbons and covered in placards conveyed the voters to the two polling stations, one at the court house in Athol Street and the other at St Matthew’s church in Market Place. The atmosphere was made more electric by the progress of the vote being announced every hour to the excited crowd. One of the red supporters got so carried away that he seized a blue flag and broke its staff. A drunken carriage driver drove into the crowd, but his horse was forced back by a dozen sturdy men, causing the driver to fall out of his seat. Accusations of intimidation and partiality were made because votes were not made in secret but were openly recorded in poll books by tellers, some of whom were members of Dumbell’s banking staff. The result was declared from the court house at four o’clock that afternoon. Moore received 471 votes, Dumbell 464, Goldie-Taubman 457 and Sherwood 317. The three successful candidates were paraded around the town in carriages pulled by their supporters before they all adjourned to their committee room at the British Hotel on the North Quay. A barrel of ale was gratuitously distributed to all-comers, photographs were taken and church bells were rung. The first public election of the House of Keys saw thirteen of the previous twenty-four members elected. The eleven new members were mainly of a similar political persuasion as the previous members. John Senhouse Goldie-Taubman was chosen to serve as the first Speaker of the first publicly elected House of Keys.

The future

Although the election processes had been novel and exciting, the reality was that only a small minority of the population had the right to vote, an even smaller number had the property qualification to stand for the Keys. The conservative character of the new House had hardly altered from that of the old, and the Lieutenant Governor, generally backed by his Legislative Council, continued to be the authority from whom all executive decisions emanated. Despite the disappointments, Henry Loch’s important reforms were very significant and ensured the implementation of the most important elements of the Isle of Man’s democratic needs: properly elected political representation to act in the interests of the Manx people and a significant advancement in Tynwald’s control of public finances. The reforms, although by no means fully complete, were major steps towards more competent and mature selfgovernment, with the House of Keys now being answerable to the people and having increased financial responsibilities. Political democracy in the Isle of Man had at last become a reality.

The Constituencies

The Island was divided into 10 constituencies, comprising the 4 towns (Douglas, Peel, Ramsey, and Castletown) and the 6 sheadings (Ayre, Garff, Glenfaba, Michael, Middle, and Rushen).  

Each sheading was allocated 3 MHKs, giving the sheadings three quarters of the seats in the House of Keys. Douglas was allocated 3 MHKs, and the remaining 3 towns would have 1 MHK each.

​Turnout

There are a number of complicating factors in working out the turnout of the first election on an Island-wide basis.

It is unclear exactly how many men were eligible to vote. The Liber Electorum, a register of electors, provides a list of 3962 registered electors. However, since the franchise was based on property, some voters would have been able to register and therefore vote in more than one constituency, and of course some eligible voters would not have bothered to register at all. Governor Loch issued a return in 1867 showing that the probable number of eligible voters totalled 5015, with 2976 in the sheadings and 2039 in the towns, while the 1871 census suggests that there would have been around 4500 men eligible to vote in 1867.

There is no information available on the turnout in five of the ten constituencies, as they were uncontested.

The poll books show that the total number of votes cast in the remaining five constituencies was 3996. All of these constituencies had three seats available, so each voter would have had three votes, but may not have used all three.  

The Douglas election provides a snapshot of the turnout for the election, if not necessarily a representative one. There were 1032 men in Douglas eligible to vote, of whom 771 voted, almost 75% of the Douglas electorate.  

The first elected House of Keys

By Constituency: Ayre | Castletown | Douglas | Garff | Glenfaba | Michael | Middle | Peel | Ramsey | Rushen

By Member: William Callister | William Bell Christian | John Edward Christian | Thomas Craine | John Frissell Crellin | William Dalrymple | George W. Dumbell | Edward C. Farrant | Evan Gell | John Gell | John Senhouse Goldie-Taubman | Mark Goldie | John Caesar Tobin Harrison | William Haslam | John Moore Jeffcott | John Teare Martin | William Fine Moore | Robert John Moore | Thomas Moore | John Stevenson Moore | William Edward Stevenson Moore | Richard Rowe | Henry Watterson | William Woods

Ayre
William Callister (1808-1872) was educated in Liverpool and Cheshire before returning to the Isle of Man to become a timber merchant with his father’s business. From 1837 he was committed to the reform movement and initially refused to accept his selection to the self-elected House of Keys on the grounds that it should be chosen by the people. In 1847 he finally accepted selection to the House of Keys, and in 1867 he was returned as one of the three Members for Ayre. In Tynwald, he was a member of the Harbour and Highway Boards. He was also a magistrate and Captain of the Parish for Bride, as well as founder of two banks. A.W. Moore described Callister as ‘not only one of the most eloquent speakers ever sat in the Manx Legislature, but one of the most valuable of Manx citizens’. He represented Ayre until his death in 1872.

Captain of the Parish of Andreas, John Teare Martin was new to the House of Keys when he was elected in 1867 at an age when most people would be retiring from public life, as he said in his election speech. Following the election, he remarked that he was not a ‘talker’, but would endeavour to discharge his duties faithfully to the satisfaction of the electors. He remained in the House until 1874.

Edward C. Farrant (1830-1890) was selected as a Member of the House of Keys in 1852 when he was just 21 years old. One of the three self-elected Members who voted against the House of Keys Election Bill, Farrant nevertheless successfully stood for election in 1867. He was also Captain of the Parish for Lezayre at the time of his election. Farrant was often opposed to Governor Loch’s schemes, but he was said to be an eloquent speaker and was considered a valuable member of the House. On his death, the Speaker is reported to have said: ‘I am sure we shall all agree and join in saying that he set up for himself a very high code of morality in public and private life, and he ever acted up to it… . In every way, socially and generally, his loss will be deeply felt.’

Castletown
John Moore Jeffcott (1817-1892) was educated at King William’s College and later studied law, being called to the Manx Bar in 1839. He developed a reputation as a sound lawyer and had the largest legal practice in the south of the Island. Jeffcott became a Member of the self-elected House of Keys in 1855 and was elected unopposed into the reformed house in 1867. He represented Castletown until 1882, when he retired due to ill health. Jeffcott was a member of both the Harbour and Highway Boards, and he held the position of High-Bailiff of Castletown from 1866 until his death.

Douglas
William Fine Moore (1814-1895) left school aged 14 to join his father’s business of sail-cloth manufacturing, and he was later involved in many commercial ventures in the Island including the Isle of Man Steam Packet Company and the Isle of Man Banking Company. Upon entering the self-elected House of Keys in 1857, he dedicated himself to the cause of popular reform. He was successful in his effort to remove the 3s rate on houses in the town, and he introduced a progressive Highways Bill. He topped with poll in the Douglas election with 471 votes, the highest mandate of any MHK in the Island. He represented Douglas until his retirement from ill health in 1875.

George W. Dumbell (1804-1887) was elected as the second member for Douglas with 464 votes. Dumbell had been a member of the self-elected House of Keys from 1840 to 1857. A former lawyer, at the time of his election he was a banker, landowner and mine-owner. A leading Conservative voice of the period, he was a staunch opponent of the reformer and founder of the Mona’s Herald Robert Fargher. Dumbell sued Fargher on three occasions, famously resulting in the editor’s imprisonment. Dumbell remained in the Keys until 1880.

John Senhouse Goldie-Taubman (1838-1898) was elected as the third member for Douglas with 457 votes. He had been a Member of the self-elected House of Keys since 1859. Goldie-Taubman served as the first Speaker of the democratically elected House of Keys. In doing so, he followed in the footsteps of his father, grandfather, and great grandfather, who had all served as Speakers. Goldie-Taubman was a respected Speaker, and ‘his decisions on points of order and procedure were never disputed’. He served as Chairman of the Asylums Board, as a magistrate, and also had a major role in the success of the Isle of Man Railway Company. In 1886, he became the first Right Worshipful Grand Master of the Manx Provincial Grand Lodge of Freemasons, and in 1897 he was knighted. He held the position of Speaker until his death in 1898.

Garff
A new Member of the House of Keys, Richard Rowe (1823-1886) topped the polls in Garff with 143 votes. Rowe was Captain of the Laxey Mines. When George W. Dumbell became chairman of the Laxey Mining Company he built a house for Rowe which is now the Mines Tavern. Rowe was heavily criticised in the Isle of Man Times in 1874, when the writer argued that his election was due to his role as Captain and Manager of the Laxey Mines, and also said that Rowe had never made a speech of worthy note in the House of Keys. Rowe remained in the Keys until his death in 1886.

William Haslam polled second in Garff with 98 votes. He had joined the self-elected House of Keys in 1858, and remained in the popularly elected House until 1871, when he resigned due to ill health.

John Edward Christian polled in third with 75 votes, the lowest number of any successful candidate. A new Member of the House of Keys, he died in December 1867, prompting the first by-election.

Glenfaba
William Edward Stevenson Moore topped the polls in Glenfaba with 149 votes, beating his father by 8 votes. An advocate, he had been called to the Bar in 1862. Unfortunately, his ill health prevented him from taking full part in debate, and he died in 1870 at the age of 36.

John Stevenson Moore (1804-1895), a Methodist and teetotaller, came second in the polls to his son with 141 votes. He had not been formally involved in the reform movement, but is reported to have been involved in the political instruction of Manx country people. In his election speech, John Stevenson Moore lauded the changes to voting on the Island and thanked the Lieutenant Governor for the changes that had taken place. He remained in the Keys until 1874.

John Gell, Captain of the Parish of German, had been selected to join the House of Keys in 1854. He came third in the polls, and remained in the Keys until 1868.

Michael
Thomas Craine, Captain of the Parish for Ballaugh, was a new member for Michael in 1867. In his election speech, he said it would be the proudest day of his life when he took his seat in the House of Keys, and he promised to leave his seat if two-thirds of the electorate called for his resignation. He remained in the House of Keys until 1878.

John Frissell Crellin (1816-1887) was born in Castletown and educated at King William’s College, before going on to study medicine in London. Crellin was appointed as a Member of the self-elected House of Keys in 1843 and acted for many years as Deputy Speaker. An antiquarian, he reported on the antiquities of the Island as part of a Tynwald Commission, and collected Manx literature and coins. His ill health prevented him from accepting the position of Speaker and was also the reason behind his retirement from the House in 1874.

Evan Gell (c. 1807-1887) had been an MHK since 1844. Aside from serving as an MHK, Gell was a Justice of the Peace and a Captain of the Parish of Michael. He had been a farmer and as an MHK he went to considerable lengths to improve the breeds of cattle and horses on the Island, for which he was awarded the presidency of the Agricultural Society. Gell was also a valued member of the Highway Board.

Middle
William Dalrymple (1815-1890) came top of the polls in Middle with 216 votes. Born in Scotland, Dalrymple had lived in Union Mills for most of his life and was described as ‘kind and courteous to all, faithful in the discharge of duty, he was a true man and a sincere Christian’. He initially studied for the Ministry, but abandoned this to take up medicine; several other professions followed before Dalrymple settled on woollen manufacturing in Union Mills. Supported by the radical Richard Sherwood at the hustings, Dalrymple’s election speech was described as ‘a gem’. He went on to play a significant role at the first sitting of the democratically elected House of Keys on 18th April when he became immersed in a two and a half hour debate with George W. Dumbell over who the new Speaker should be, with Dalrymple favouring Goldie-Taubman as opposed to Dumbell’s nomination of John F. Crellin. He remained in the Keys until his death in 1890.

John Caesar Tobin Harrison polled second with 199 votes. He had been selected as a member of the House of Keys in 1865. An advocate who had trained with Dumbell, at the hustings he was accused of being ‘just like a weathercock’ by Mr P.H. Leece, who later retracted his comments. He remained in the House of Keys until his death in 1869.

Captain of the Parish of Onchan, Captain Mark Goldie polled in third place with 148 votes. He had been a member of the self-elected Keys since 1851, and he served until his resignation in 1872. For his services, Goldie was duly honoured in the pages of the Isle of Man Times: ‘His political antipathies were strong, his prejudices were deep, but they had one merit – they were honest; and upon his complete independence not a shadow of doubt could be cast’.

Peel
Robert John Moore (1816-1884) was elected unopposed as the Member for Peel. He had been an MHK since 1850, and Secretary of the House since 1858. Moore was a lawyer who became High Bailiff of Peel in 1853. An antiquarian, he took a great interest in the preservation of Peel Castle and Cathedral. In his victory speech he proclaimed the election to be a red letter day in his history and in the history of Peel, and he said that he would resign if he ever found that he could not represent the interests of the majority of the electors in Peel. A.W. Moore described him as a man who was greatly esteemed and respected by all classes. He represented Peel until 1880.

Ramsey
The Revd William Bell Christian (1815-1886) was elected unopposed and with enthusiasm by the people of Ramsey. The son of Deemster John Christian and a member of a long-established Manx family, he inherited the estate of Miltown in 1852. He was described as a man with a vast amount of intelligence and someone who was ‘acquainted with what transpires around him’. Christian was a radical Liberal in his views. On his election, he declared that he was 'a reformer, not a Conservative’, and he demanded higher taxation, compulsory education, poor rates, and extension of the franchise when appropriate. He represented Ramsey until 1883, when he was made Receiver-General.

Rushen
Captain of the Parish for Arbory, Henry Watterson came top of the polls in Rushen with 222 votes. He retired in 1874, but stood again for election in 1880 and served until 1891.

A new MHK, William Woods of Balladoole polled second in Rushen with 152 votes. Later that year he was a member of the Commission appointed to inquire into moving the Courts from Castletown to Douglas. He was a member of the Keys until 1891.

Thomas Moore of Billown, who had been selected to join the Keys in 1864, polled in third place with 114 votes. Captain of the Parish for Malew and Justice of the Peace, he remained in the Keys until 1874.

Robert Fargher

Robert Fargher was arguably the leading reformer of his day.

Born in Maughold in August 1803, he worked for a few years as a secretary in London, before returning to the Isle of Man in his late teens to become an apprentice at his uncle’s conservative newspaper, the Manks Advertiser. Soon afterwards, Fargher became involved in the Methodist Revivalist movement. As his views became more radical, his work for the Advertiser grew distasteful to him, so in 1833 he persuaded William Walls, a fellow printer, to start up a new newspaper with him, which they named the Mona’s Herald.

The Mona’s Herald was designed to be ‘the organ of political reform, nonconformity, and temperance.’ Fargher used it to criticise the Manx establishment relentlessly, and particularly the self-elected House of Keys.

Fargher was called before the House of Keys a number of times, most often for his clashes with George W. Dumbell, lawyer, Member and Secretary of the House of Keys, as well as one of the partners of the failed bank Isle of Man Joint Stock Bank.  The publication in the Mona’s Herald of three anonymous ‘letters to the editor’ in the 1840s and 50s resulted in a series of acrimonious libel actions taken against Fargher by Dumbell, each time leading to Fargher’s imprisonment in Castle Rushen.  Each time, Fargher created trouble for the authorities by refusing to leave, despite the fact that the money for his fine had been quickly raised by well-wishers. He continued to write articles for the Herald from his prison cell.

In addition to his rousing editorials in the Mona’s Herald, Fargher was responsible for the organisation of the 1838 petition for an elected House of Keys, and he was part of a public delegation set up in the 1853 to represent the Island’s interests in London.

Fargher died on 12th August 1863, and as such did not live to see his dream of a freely elected House of Keys fulfilled.  It is, however, a testament to his revolutionary thinking that one of the arguments used by Fargher in 1844, namely that the Keys should not be allowed financial authority due to its status as an unelected body, was later used by Governor Loch in 1866 to ensure electoral reform. 

​James Brown

James Brown, who was born in Liverpool on 2nd August 1815, moved to the Isle of Man in 1846 at the time of the so-called Printing Boom.  The lack of taxes on newspapers in the Isle of Man and the other Crown Dependencies, along with a loophole that allowed them to be posted free of charge to subscribers on the mainland, formed the conditions for a flourishing printing industry on the Island that was particularly used by radical movements such as Chartism.  The Post Office Act 1848, which made newspapers published in the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man liable to postage, put an end to the Printing Boom.  Most of the printing entrepreneurs left the Island at this point, but Brown stayed, working in advertising through the 1850s. 

On 4th May 1861, Brown launched the new Isle of Man Times.  Along with Robert Fargher’s Mona’s Herald, this newspaper campaigned for a democratically elected House of Keys.  Like Fargher, in 1864 Brown found himself called before the House of Keys accused of libel and contempt.  The recently established Douglas Town Commissioners had petitioned the House of Keys to introduce a Bill that would give the Commissioners the power to make by-laws.  Brown’s report on the Keys’ consideration of this petition included the suggestion by the Secretary of the House that an appropriate area for the Commissioners to supervise would be the conduct of donkeys on the beach. When Brown reported on the proceedings, he referred to the Keys as ‘Don-keys’, before accusing them of being ‘despotic rulers’.   Brown refused to apologise, and so was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment in Castle Rushen.

Brown continued to publish defiant articles during his time in prison.  In the end, he served only 6 weeks of his sentence, after an appeal made by his son to the Court of Queen’s Bench ruled that he had been unlawfully imprisoned.  The Keys had been sitting as a legislature at the time of the trial, not a judicial body, and they could not be both at the same time.  Brown later sued the House of Keys and was awarded £519 in damages. 

Within two years, the House of Keys had become an elected body.  Although the extent to which Brown’s actions directly led to this reform is up for debate, there is no doubt that his unlawful imprisonment badly damaged the reputation of the House of Keys.  This marked a turning point in the movement towards enfranchisement. 

George W. Dumbell 1804-1887

Born in Wales to a wealthy family, Dumbell moved to the Isle of Man in the 1820s, where he became a well-respected lawyer.  He was later also involved in banking, becoming a partner of the Isle of Man Joint Stock Bank, and other business ventures. He was selected to the House of Keys in 1840, and served as its Secretary until 1857, when he resigned.

Dumbell can be viewed as the epitome of conservative opinion on the Island during this period. His opposition to reform is particularly evidenced by his high-profile rivalry with journalist Robert Fargher.  When a piece appeared in the Mona’s Herald implicating Dumbell in the crash of the Isle of Man Joint Stock Bank, Dumbell reacted by suing Fargher for libel. The dispute was the subject of significant public interest and was well documented in the local newspapers. Dumbell successfully sued Fargher a further two times for libel.

It was also in the 1840s that Dumbell challenged another prominent reformer on the Island. Dr John Bowring was an MP for Bolton who lent his support to the Manx reform movement, playing a major role in the 1844 petition drive in the North and West of the Island. In 1848, when Dr Bowring made a speech in the House of Commons on the constitutional position of the Isle of Man, Dumbell led the protestations and criticisms of the MP in the House of Keys.

..if the House of Keys had been a representative body, elected by the people of the Island, the Lords of the Treasury would have been disposed to have taken a much more favourable view of your proposal to entrust to it the administration of these funds.

James Wilson, Financial Secretary, 1853

In 1853 Dumbell again found himself at the centre of the dispute over reform of the Keys. Forming part of a Keys delegation to London, Dumbell and William Callister sought to remind the British Government of the Island’s constitutional rights and to obtain more of the surplus revenue from the Treasury. The delegation was told that its pleas for more money would have been better received if the delegates were representatives of the people of the Isle of Man. This was a significant moment in the history of the Manx reform movement because it signalled that attitudes to the self-selection of the Keys were changing—much to the displeasure of Dumbell!

Despite his opposition to democratic elections, Dumbell was one of three men to be elected for the constituency of Douglas in the 1867 General Election, polling second behind William Fine Moore, and in front of John Senhouse Goldie-Taubman. On his election, he promised his constituents that, 'I am not going to tell you I will do this, and I will do that; but so long as I have health and strength, and can judge between good and evil, I will do my best for the interests of Douglas'.

Governor Loch

Sir Henry Brougham Loch (1863-1882)

Having already enjoyed a successful and adventure-filled career as a diplomat, Sir Henry Brougham Loch was appointed Governor at the relatively young age of 35. Although he went on to play a pivotal role in reforming the House of Keys, he was not immediately sympathetic to the reform movement. Upon his appointment, he was presented by a petition of 3373 signatories which demanded an inquiry into the conduct of the ‘irresponsible self-elected Keys’, which he rejected.

Within a year Loch was faced with the problem of the trial of James Brown, which exposed many of the anachronisms of the Manx political system. Presiding over the Isle of Man Chancery Court in November 1864, Loch confirmed that the House of Keys as a legislative body had no right to punish Brown for contempt.  A Manx court had now ruled against the Keys.

When the question of increased taxation arose, I was not prepared to accede to it without representation; and I could not admit that her Majesty’s subjects residing in the Isle of Man were not to enjoy those rights which were enjoyed in other parts of the United Kingdom.

Loch to Sir George Grey, March 1865

It was, however, the collapse of the Abernethy breakwater that was to persuade Loch of the need for reform. It was immediately clear to Loch that the design for the breakwater would be unable to withstand stormy weather. Construction had already reached the halfway stage in 1863 when a report deemed the harbour ‘wholly inadequate’, and during 1864, storms washed away the rubble foundation. Finally, in January 1865, the breakwater was swept away in a storm. Loch set about negotiating with the British Government to raise the funds needed to repair the harbour works.

In a letter dated 21st March 1865, Loch made a proposal to Sir George Grey, the Home Secretary, to increase the customs duties in the Isle of Man to British levels, under the condition that any surplus revenue accumulated was to be controlled by Tynwald for public purposes.  In another letter of the same date, Loch asked Grey whether the British Government would approve of his suggestion to make the House of Keys an elected body.  While the former proposal was not resolved until December of that year, the latter was agreed within a week.

It was, however, the collapse of the Abernethy breakwater that was to persuade Loch of the need for reform. It was immediately clear to Loch that the design for the breakwater would be unable to withstand stormy weather. Construction had already reached the halfway stage in 1863 when a report deemed the harbour ‘wholly inadequate’, and during 1864, storms washed away the rubble foundation. Finally, in January 1865, the breakwater was swept away in a storm. Loch set about negotiating with the British Government to raise the funds needed to repair the harbour works.

…a dangerous mass of ruin in the middle of Douglas Bay, impossible to repair, and the Insular Government has no funds available for its removal.

Loch to Waddington, March 1865

In a letter dated 21st March 1865, Loch made a proposal to Sir George Grey, the Home Secretary, to increase the customs duties in the Isle of Man to British levels, under the condition that any surplus revenue accumulated was to be controlled by Tynwald for public purposes.  In another letter of the same date, Loch asked Grey whether the British Government would approve of his suggestion to make the House of Keys an elected body.  While the former proposal was not resolved until December of that year, the latter was agreed within a week.

Governors 1765-1863

The Governors had an important role to play in helping or, more often, hindering the movement towards reform.

During this period, the Governor was an extremely powerful figure in the Isle of Man. He was the head of the government, parliament, and judiciary, introducing legislation via the Legislative Council and setting the Budget. As an appointee of the British Crown, he was responsible for the relationship between the United Kingdom and the Isle of Man. In practice, this often meant complying with instructions from the Home Office and protecting British interests in the Island.

1765-1777  John Wood
A former captain, Wood had been appointed Governor by the Atholls, and continued in the role after Revestment. Henry Hope, with the title of Lieutenant Governor, acted as his deputy.

1777-1793 Major-General Edward Smith
A low-profile Governor, this former soldier seems to have been popular with the Manx people. He was deputised by Major Richard Dawson as his Lieutenant Governor.

1830-1832 Colonel Cornelius Smelt
Having deputised as Lieutenant Governor during Murray’s tenure, Smelt took over his duties on the Duke’s death. He died before he could formally be made Governor.

1860-1863 Francis Pigott Stainsby Conant
The former MP for Reading, Pigott was greeted upon his arrival in the Island by an ornamental arch created by Robert Fargher. Twenty-four large rust-coloured keys, together with a jar of oil and sandpaper, accompanied a huge placard with the slogan, ‘A New Hand to Scour a Rusty Bunch’. Indeed, Pigott did not enact any reforms, but this was not helped by his sudden illness and death only three years into his appointment. 

Petitions were an important part of the reform movement.  Although none of them led to immediate reform, they were a means by which to drum up support, and they provide us with evidence for the extent of desire for reform amongst Island residents. 

1776 A petition is presented to the Lieutenant Governor, Richard Dawson, by Mr Moore, Mr Cosnahan and ‘other patriots of the day’. It called for the election of a new House of Keys every seven years by those with property and was signed by 563 of ‘the most opulent and respectable landowners’.

1792 A Royal Commission is appointed to inquire into the condition of the Island. Reformers use this as an opportunity to present the Commission with a petition for reform which was signed by nearly 1000 of the ‘principle landed proprietors’ of the Island.

1833 Produced at a time when the Manx reform movement was blossoming, this petition was signed by 1776 people and sent to King William IV. It is unlikely that the King received it, and the petition was ridiculed by conservatives.

1834 A mock petition appears in the Manx Sun which attacks the reformers and cleverly advocates the status quo. It is signed by ‘Disappointed Candidates, Self-Sufficiency, Hypocrisy, Snarling Discontent, Pedantry, Tavern Debaters, Would-Be-Thought-Wise, Pomposity’.

1834 Brothers William and Edward Christian petition for a new legislative assembly to replace the Keys, to be elected on the basis of household suffrage. The petition makes 13 suggestions for fairer representation, including triennial parliaments and vote by ballot. The Keys react by electing William to be a member of the House of Keys, which he accepts.

1838 The Reform Association, which had been established in 1835, draws up a new petition towards the end of 1837. They argue that ‘by reforming itself, the Island would be left alone, free from critical gaze and the threat of incorporation into the United Kingdom’. The petition was sent to Governor Ready with over 3000 signatures. It was met with the response that ‘it is my duty to inform you that such a change in the constitution of the Island cannot be agreed to; and I have further to inform you, that if reform in the House of Keys is found to be really wanted, that a Representation for the Island in Parliament may be the measure of reform adopted’.

1844 With the support of Dr John Bowring, MP for Bolton and champion of the Island in Parliament, petitions are organised in the North and West by the Northern Association and in the East and South by the Douglas reformers. Along with a strangers’ petition of 543 signatures, these three petitions were signed by a total of 5261 men, almost half of the adult male population of the Island at the time. They are presented to Governor Ready, who rejects them.

1863 J.J. Moore organises a petition requesting an investigation into the conduct of the ‘irresponsible, self-elected Keys’ with regarded to a number of issues of the period. Signed by 3373 men, it is forwarded to the newly appointed Governor Loch, who declares that, ‘there are no grievances that cannot and will not be very shortly removed by the action of the Insular Legislature’.

On Saturday 1st April, to mark the 150th anniversary of the first popularly elected House of Keys, Legislative Buildings hosted a symposium with the theme House of Keys: power, parliament and the people.

Tynwald and University College Isle of Man invited experts in the areas of Manx history to talk about the social and economic context of the events behind the Manx reform movements in the 18th and 19th centuries to give everyone an opportunity to learn about the role played by individuals and institutions in bringing about democratic reform and social change in the Isle of Man.  

The day started with a welcome from the President, The Hon Stephen Charles Rodan BSc(Hons) MRPharmS MLC, followed by sessions from our guest speakers:  

• Dr Kit Gawne (Biography | external link to presentation)
• Dr Robert Fyson (external link to presentation)
• Dr Mike Hoy MBE (external link to presentation)
• Mike J. Southall MBE (external link to presentation) 
• William Cain CBE TH (external link to presentation)
• Professor Peter Edge (external link to presentation)

Stamp Release

Isle of Man Stamps and Coins designed four stamps to mark this occasion. Click here to read more - Media Release February 2017.

Special Sitting at the Old House of Keys

150th Anniversary Sitting of the House of Keys

On the 14th March 2017, the House of Keys held a special sitting in the Old House of Keys in Castletown to mark the 150th anniversary of the first popular elections. 

Historian Dr Kit Gawne gave evidence on the introduction of a popularly elected House of Keys in 1867, and the Chief Minister moved 'that this House notes the 150th Anniversary of the introduction of direct elections for the House of Keys; notes the social and economic progress which has flowed from the introduction and extension of democratic elections in the Isle of Man; and welcomes the enhanced role for Tynwald and its branches which this reform brought about'.

Listen Again | Order Paper | Hansard

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Tynwald is thought to be the world’s oldest continuous parliament, with its origins in the period of Viking rule in the Island.  The name Tynwald comes from the Norse word Thingvöllr, meaning assembly field or meeting place. This refers to the practice common to many ancient societies of meeting in the open air to discuss matters affecting the community and solve disputes. Some have described this as an early form of democracy, although it is unlikely to have involved the election of representatives.

The Viking origins of Tynwald were often invoked as an argument for reform of the House of Keys, but in two different ways. In the eighteenth and early nineteenth century, reformers would appeal to the Viking past as a golden age of democracy to which they hoped the House of Keys would be restored.  By the mid-nineteenth century, however, the Viking origins of the Island’s parliament had become shorthand for the lack of progress. The parliament is frequently and derisively referred to by reformers as the antiquated ‘Scandinavian legislature’ which must be adapted to modern life. 

In 1966, the UK's House of Commons gifted a set of robes to the House of Keys to mark the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the passing of the House of Keys Election Act.

Find out more about the robes and the events leading up to the 1866 reforms in this short video by Culture Vannin​.

https://player.vimeo.com/video/160076734

Dr Kit Gawne

We would like to thank Dr Kit Gawne for sharing his vast knowledge of this historical period with us.

Dr Gawne's book, Controversy 1651-1895: From Smuggling to the Common Purse (Manx Heritage Foundation: Douglas, 2009) gives an account of the relationship between the Isle of Man and Britain from the 17th to 19th century.

Isle of Man Post Office Stamps & Coins

Many thanks to the team at Isle of Man Stamps & Coins for helping us to celebrate the 150th anniversary with a set of stamps.

Books and stamp sets available from the Tynwald Gift Shop.

Manx National Heritage

Many of the images, and all of the newspaper clippings, used on these pages are from Manx National Heritage's iMuseum. Particular thanks go to Wendy Thirkettle for her assistance.

Dr Robert Fyson

Robert Fyson, The Struggle for Manx Democracy (Culture Vannin: Douglas, 2016)

Was Manx democracy invented by the Vikings? Or can it be attributed to a few courageous men and women in the Victorian era, including two newspaper editors, one a teetotal Methodist, the other a Liverpudlian of slave descent - both gaoled for their principles - a Manchester female suffragist, and a depressed Deemster who died by his own hand? Robert Fyson reproduces James Brown’s newly-rediscovered prison diary in full, and traces a series of events which were far from predictable - including the introduction of votes for women, in which the Isle of Man led the world.